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I asked him how in a traditionally Islamic country he knew such things. It looks, however, as if Afghan men nude may soon be fewer contractors working for the US in Afghanistan -- at least at Camp Sullivan. They show naked men, employees of the security firm, whose genitals are only barely covered with a kind of black beer mat. To the best of my knowledge, no gay Westerner had infiltrated gay Afghan life. I felt vulnerable, even if the mood was jovial.

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Desi mature Indian guy fucks gay in ass 4 min Suryaryan - 3. There were eight men, most in their 20s and 30s, sprawled on cushions. Arif Afghan - ass Massie tits half naked. Gay Night Club 15 min Bigmike29 - 1. More articles Gay Afghanistan, After the Taliban. Munir wore a neat, Afghan men nude dusty black Afghan men nude. Yet, even as Afghan men joked about the Taliban being gay, they did not seem terribly put off by the subject of homosexuality. All these works, and others, however, were compiled by straights who wavered between curiosity and repulsion at the phenomena they discussed. The city with the greatest reputation for active homosexuality was Kandahar, the headquarters of the Taliban. Drugged and Abused - Vintage. To make me look Afghan, they put a wrap on my head and we all danced. It was as if each wanted to prove his bravery, and with each photo, I felt as if I were being wooed. Had I happened on a gay brothel? Still, I seemed to have encountered a Afghan men nude that accepts affection between men as a wonderful thing. I asked once again how they could be open about such things in Afghanistan when it seemed so conservative, at least to outsiders.

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Still, I decided I should go. I frequently ran across articles hinting at widespread traditional Afghan acceptance of homosexuality. Each man waited expectantly as they showed me pictures, searching intensely for my reaction. Munir said he was only five minutes from my hotel, but the ride seemed to last forever. All these works, and others, however, were compiled by straights who wavered between curiosity and repulsion at the phenomena they discussed.

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Afghan singer burns 'naked' outfit she wore at Paris concert

One of two cars the family said the Khost Protection Force burned during their attack. A survivor of the attack carried out in Surkai village in Zurmat district, in Paktia province, described to AAN how five men in his family, including three university students, and a neighbour, were summarily executed and how he was questioned by an American in uniform accompanying the Afghan gunmen.

As AAN Co-Director, Kate Clark, reports, the incident raises yet again the unaccountability of such forces and the impunity with which they act. It also raises the question of motive — this particular family was a bulwark against Haqqani influence in Zurmat.

I thought I heard a drone, then, I was not sure — did they make the hole with a bomb or a rocket? I understood this was a raid, as I have seen many before… Then, there was shouting that no-one should move or turn on the lights.

Uniformed men with night vision goggles and head-mounted lights had forced their way into his home. From the room came the sound of a muffled shot. He would later learn his younger brother, Sayid Hassan, had been shot dead. He said he told the American that there was no one by that name in Paktia or Paktika. The name is indeed strange. Then, he said the American told him Commander Sargardan had come to the house the previous day and sat with his brother. Ghulam Muhammad said they had discussed security and he had suggested to Wadud there should be a checkpost in his area — evidence, presumably, that he and his household could not possibly be a threat or supporting the insurgency.

He said the American had been listening to this conversation when he asked about the commander. According to Ghulam Muhammad, the men of the house were separated into different groups. One of the armed Afghans revealed they had orders to kill him, but instead, he was going to spare him.

He waited a long time, until concern over one daughter with a heart problem sent him back to the house. I heard her voice [so knew she was alright]. When I got into the house, I went to my room and saw that Sayid Hassan had been killed.

I went to the guest room and found Atiqullah and Fath al-Rahman, also dead. Naim was sat on the floor — he had been shot in the eye. Karim had been shot in the mouth and his face was destroyed….

They shot them in the eyes and mouths, where the women were sitting, a mother was sitting. Later, at around 1. He said his father had been martyred. Then, at dawn, Ghulam Muhammad said, neighbours came with lanterns. Ghulam Muhammad had five bodies to prepare for burial. In our culture, the bodies of martyrs do not have to be washed… But Islam says that if someone says a word after they have been wounded [and before they die] then they must be washed.

So we agreed that, to be careful, we should bathe them. The funerals, however, were delayed. The family decided to go with the bodies to the governor.

They could have gone to see the governor either of Paktika where they believed the armed men had come from, or their own province, Paktia. They chose their own provincial capital, Gardez, said Ghulam Muhammad:.

We decided that ten cars should go. But when people got to hear of it, vehicles came. The deputy governor [Alhaj Abdul Wali Sahi] met us on the steps and told us that he understood a terrible thing has been done. We have no response for you. This was oppression. A later delegation went to see the Paktia governor himself, Shamim Katawazi who, Ghulam Muhammad reported, was hostile. He fully defended the operation and criticised the people of Zurmat for, he said, not resisting the Taleban.

A government investigation team from Kabul, including head of the Senate security commission Hashim Alakozai has visited the house. As of now, nothing has been reported back to the family or the public. The brothers, Naim Faruqi and Ghulam Muhammad, had seen many night raids, more than one hundred, since Both had been commanders with the mujahedin faction, Harakat-e Enqelab-e Islami, fighting the Soviet occupation in the s, and the third brother, Sayid Hassan, a younger man had been a junior commander in the later stages of the war.

After the PDPA government of Dr Najibullah lost power to the mujahedin in , Naim became district governor of Zurmat and Ghulam Muhammad became the district police chief, staying on in these posts when the Taleban captured Paktia in Many Harakatis, including the sub-faction the brothers belonged to, led by Mawlawi Nasrullah Mansur, joined the Taleban see AAN reporting here , so the fact that the brothers kept their posts under the Taleban government was unremarkable.

After , however, they were among the many civilians caught up in the madness of the campaigns of mass arbitrary arrests carried out by the United States military and CIA in the first two years of the intervention. They included reconciled Taleban, those who had opposed and been jailed and tortured by the Taleban when the movement was in power, and men who had tried to stand up to the corrupt provincial government officials appointed by President Karzai and then defence minister Marshall Qasim Fahim in Commander Naim was an eminent tribal elder who had been elected security chief of Zurmat following the Russian departure, stayed on through the Taliban years, and was reelected in An ardent supporter of the Americans and one of the most popular figures in Zurmat, he nonetheless discovered one day that some men under his command had been detained by US troops.

When Naim showed up to ask why, he, too, was arrested, blindfolded, and handcuffed. But what could we do? Naim suspected that a rival, Mullah Qasim, had given false information to the Americans and got him detained see also documentation from Guantanamo.

Such false tip-offs, made by Afghans for money or to get the US military and CIA to target their personal rivals were common in this era. Naim was detained, yet again, in and this time taken to the US detention camp north of Kabul at Bagram airfield, as Gopal describes:.

Upon leaving, he was arrested by American special forces. Angry protests swept the province, and merchants carried out a three-day general strike in his support. Naim was in Bagram for more than two years.

Ghulam Mohammad and Sayid Hassan the other brother killed on 30 December were also both jailed in Bagram, in , for two and three years respectively. The process of selecting and electing these representatives was easily the cleanest exercise in democracy Afghans have experienced since with the majority of those sent to Kabul genuinely popular and representative see AAN reporting here. Throughout the years, despite the raids and detention, Naim maintained relations with the provincial authorities and participated in jirgas.

None of those killed in the raid were combatants. If the authorities had wanted to question any of them, they could have asked them to come to Gardez. Killing civilians is, of course, a war crime. Even if it was not, politically and militarily, the killing of these six men makes no sense. There were clashes five years ago between the brothers and other local men, and Sulaimanzai Kuchis whom, Paktian sources said, had been armed and supported by the Haqqanis.

The Kuchis were claiming government land on the western side of the Shahikot escarpment between Sahawza and Shahikot. They forcibly expelled the Kuchis. The foreign fighters, members of al-Qaeda, have established bases in Shahi Kot and, with the Haqqanis, wanted to be able to travel through Zurmat and on to Gardez and potentially Kabul. Naim and his brothers rejected this, on the basis that it was their territory and that no one had the right to enter or operate in it but them, and they did not want their area further affected by the conflict or the Haqqanis expanding.

The Zurmatis set up three posts to block them. They refused to move and the Zurmatis attacked, with men lost on both sides and the Haqqanis and foreign fighters forced to retreat. There were similar clashes in the summer of with again the Haqqanis and their allies withdrawing.

All this makes the motive behind the killing of Naim and his family members and neighbour baffling. Also, when considering the future of places like Zurmat and Paktia, the loss of the three sons, all at university, is troubling.

Zurmat is a conservative province and most families send their sons to the local madrassa to get educated. Naim and Gul Muhammad were from the small handful of families sending their boys to college. In a country where the cultural and political split between modern and madrassa education is sharp, killing off university students who are the sons of traditional madrassa-educated men undermines future hopes for social reconciliation. Around 60 years old, former front commander with Haraqat-e Enqelab and district governor of Zurmat.

Mids, brother of Faruqi and Ghulam Muhammad, a businessman. Son-in-law of Naim Faruqi and son of Ghulam Muhammad. In his twenties. Student in his fourth year at Gardez university. They were accompanied by a foreigner who spoke English and asked questions through an interpreter. Ghulam Muhammad said he had been told by one of his sons in Sharana, the provincial capital of neighbouring Paktika, that a convoy of 50 vehicles had come from there that evening.

Allegations against the Khost Protection Force are longstanding and include extrajudicial killing, torture, beating and unlawful detentions. This was before the creation of the Afghan National Army. The Afghan Military Forces encompassed a wide range of militias and forces drawn from the Northern Alliance and those loyal to pro-US Pashtun commanders. In the first nine months of , UNAMA documented civilian casualties deaths and 44 injured caused during search operations by Pro-Government Forces, more than double the number recorded during the same period in This is due partly to their murky chains of command and partly to the power and secrecy of their backer, the CIA.

UNAMA has highlighted both issues. In , for example, it said :. Again, unlike the military which publishes its training and legal manuals, we do not know whether agency operatives get training in the Laws of Armed Conflict or are disciplined for breaching them. The CIA, as opposed to the military, has extensive license to run secret programmes and the government is legally restricted from providing information about them. In the early years of the intervention, hubris and ignorance led to many civilians being targeted, detained and tortured by the CIA and its allies as well as by the US military for unfathomable reasons.

One would assume those days were long over. From a counter-insurgency standpoint, the killings in Zurmat make no sense whatsoever; they will hamper attempts to curb Haqqani influence in Zurmat district.

The killings look to be the consequence of bad intelligence and the lack of even rudimentary knowledge of provincial politics and military history. They are also the consequence of the secrecy and lack of accountability surrounding both the CIA and the Khost Protection Forces, which make abuses and breaches of the Laws of War more likely to happen.

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